BLOOMSBURG UNIVERSITY
Bloomsburg

Pennsylvania

ANTHROPOLOGY NEWSLETTER
Vol. 14, No. 3
November 1989
Department of Anthropology
A BU Student in Kenya: by Travis Pickering. <Travis
attended an archaeological field school run by Harvard
University this past summer in Kenya.)
Every dawn that broke over the horizon of Lake Turkana
brought with it the question, "How many crocodiles are
bathing with me?"
I was living for six weeks in one of the most
inhospitable and desolate regions in the world. The area is
known as Koobi Fora, a 1200 sq. km. region in extreme
northwestern Kenya, along Lake Turkana. The lake is a
highly alkaline, 265 km long body of water, home to giant
Nile perch, hippos and the single largest population of
crocodiles anywhere.
Because of the low annual rainfall, there is an
abundance of water-independent species of bovids in this
area, ranging from huge topi and oryx to the agile
Thompson/s gazelle and the diminuative dik-dik. Zebras
gather in large grazing herds along the grassy lake margins.
And of course predators are quick to exploit this incredible
abundance of pre-packaged proteins. Cheetahs and 1 ions are
fairly common - as I can attest to, having had one of the
big cats casing my tent two nights in a row! Scavengers also
fill their slot in the trophic chain at Koobi Fora. Nights
are filled with the eerie "laughter" of hyenas. Birds, from
grandiose fish eagles to comical os triches, also find a
niche. as do snakes and scorpions.
Traditional pastoralist people use the lake as sort of
a transition zone. For the six separate and mutually
belligerant tribes of the region - the Dosenich, Rendille,
Gabbra, Berana, Samburu, and Turkana - the Koobi Fora is a
sort of no-man/s-land, used only in times of dire need.
The topography of the region is imposing and harsh.
Dry stream beds snake between coarse outcroppings of
sandstone, and only the thorny, twisted acacias can take
root. Basalt cobbles and beautiful obsidian <volcanic
glass) blocks litter the sandy ground. Temperatures top-out
at a daytime average of 100 F.
This eerie, purgatory-like landscape provides al 1 of
the essential depositional elements necessary for the most
ideal fossilization conditions in the world. Paleontologist

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Jack Harris estimates that a bone at Koobi Fora can become
fossilized within only twelve years.
With this in mind, upon taking our first surface survey
of the area. I anticipated catching the glimpse of a huge
Australopithecus boisei saggital crest poking out just above
the sand. Hopefully, I/d make this find out of my
peripheral vision while stopping to tie my shoe or urinating
or something else equally commonplace - what a grand
anecdote that would be! There it would be, staring at me in
the face, waiting to be emancipated from its fossilized
slumber.
Life/s funny though. And, ironically, as a field
paleontologist you deal very, very little with actual
fossilized human remains. The chances of an animal being
fossilized are astronomically low; then multiply that
against the rarity of Plio-Pleistocene hominids <since they
were presumably high on the food chain), and the reasons why
anthropologists so infrequently get their hands on one
becomes apparent.
Hence, the paleoanthropologist becomes mainly a student
of general paleontology, comparative mammalian anatomy,
ecology and geology.
I soon became keenly adept at
distinguishing among long extinct species of bovids only on
the basis of a smal 1 "ankle" bone found in ungulates, cal led
the astrgalus; it is the most commonly preserved bone of
these animals because of its compactness and hardness.
Believe me, you can very quickly grow nauseated at the sight
of your billionth astrgalus, when longing instead to find a
new species of hominid.
I was also engulfed in a sea of new
and very specific geologic vocabulary: the KBS, Burgi,
Okote, Chari~ Tulu Bor, etc. tufts. Al 1 these geologic
markers have crucial importance in accurately dating, both
relatively and absolutely, the ages of fossils found in each
respective level.
With these skills one ls adequately equipped to deal
with the primary data available in the field. These data,
although deficient in human remains, are usually even more
valuable than the actual skeleton of a creature. Through
stratigraphy and floral/fauna} analysis. we begin to gain a
conceptual picture of the paleoenvironment and ecology in
which early humans were emerging. This information can
often tel 1 you more about specific behaviors hominids would
have had to have undertaken in dealing with their
surroundings than raw anatomical data can.
In closing, it/s useful to draw back in contemplation.
I fondly recall dark savanna nights sitting around a
kindling fire, bouncing thoughts off the other workers.
Good natured, but sometimes passionate disagreements were
raised over a glass of wat ~r <complete with a film of algae)

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and a plate of roasted goat meat on a stick. <Goat is a
Kenyan delicacy, although any Kikuyu will tel 1 you real men
eat boiled goat!) The day/s events were recounted and
interpreted through individual perspectives. Details that
might have been overlooked in the field under a blazing sun
and 100+ temperatures suddenly became significant, even
es~cntial. All of this human ingenuity, passion and
conviction was echoing through the depths of the night where
it all began two million years ago. What a fine thought!
Global Awareness: Americans are rapidly becoming aware that
they will have to deal with the Japanese in the very near
future. With this in mind, we have collected ten common
complaints that the Japanese have about Americans; we are
also including Japanese commentary on the complaints. This
information is taken from John C. Condon/s With
Respect to the Japanese: A Guide For Americans.
<Intercu1tura1 Press, Inc. 1984).
1. Americans talk too much.

"They seem uncomfortable with
silences and as a result chatter on about meaningless
th l ngs. 11

2. Americans interrupt other people, even finishing
sentences for them. "This can be irritating, especially
if we are unsure of our English, and even more so if what
the A~erican says is not what we intended to say at all.
We don/t want to be misunderstood but we also don/t want
to have to correct or contradict our American friends."
3. Americans don/t listen enough. 11 They seem too eager to
raise questions and put forth their own ideas before
hearing out what is said. Perhaps because they are
uncomfortable with silences or because they like to talk,
they misinterpret quiet or attentive Japanese as shy or
weak.
11

4. Americans seem to think that if they don/t tell you
something, y·ou won/t know it. "This is most irritating
when they talk on and on about their own abilities and
accomplishments. Though they may only be trying to be
clear, they often sound like they are boasting. They
should have more faith in our understanding of who they
are. After all, if we didn/t know about them, why
would we be talking ,together in the first place?"
5. Americans are too direct in asking questions, giving
opinions and poking fun.
"This can put us on the spot
and cause awkwardness or feelings of discomfort. Some
even mistake our embarrassed laughter as
appreciation."
6. Americans fail to express thanks and appreciation
sufficiently. "Many Americans think that a simple

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/thank you' is enough. When meeting a Japanese they
haven/t seen for a while they forget to acknowledge
appreciation for past favors."
7. Americans are reluctant to admit faults or limitations:
they seldom apologize, even Just to be polite. "Even if
they are late for a meeting, they are likely to try to
justify being late with some excuse. They seem more
concerned to explain their behavior than to be
sensitive to others' feelings."
8. American managers and directors give more attentifn
to individuals than to the entire group or team.
It is embarrassing to an individual who is singled
out, and it can be bad for the morale of the larger
group. Americans also often fail to go through
proper channels, which sometimes causes people to
lose face and which usually causes confusion.
11

11

9. Americans do not appreciate the importance of certain
forma 1 i ti es in Japan. "We Japanese don't expect
Americans to act like Japanese, but it is embarrassing
when Americans Joke about some of our formalities or
matters of social etiquette."
10. Americans are too time conscious.

"They are a 1ways
hurrying to meet some deadline, glancing at their
watches, or scheduling activities."

Of course, each of these complaints has its basis in
Japanese culture. In the fall semester of 1990, Dr.
Minderhout wil 1 be offering 46.320, Contemporary World
Cultures, which will look at Japanese and Soviet culture and
which will explain the reasoning behind these complaints.
The Anthropologist's Cookbook: This recipe is translated
from The Forme of Cury, a manuscript recipe roll from the
household of King Richard II of England dated about 1391.
The recipe is for Capon in Milk and Honey. The original
recipe reads as follows:
Take gode cowe mylke and do it in a pot. Take parsel,
sawge, ysope. savray and oother gode herbes. Hewe hem and
do hem in the mylke and seeth hem. Take capons halk yrosted
and smyte hem on pecys and do thereto pynes and hony
clarified. Salt it and color it with saffron and serve it
forth.
The anthropologist Lorna Sass has taken the recipe as it is
g i v en above and ma-d e up the f o 1 1ow l n g rec i p e w i th 1 t :
1 3-4 lb capon or chicken, cut
into serving pieces
1/2 cup flour mixed with 1 2 tsp

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salt and 1/8 tsp freshly ground
pepper
2 tbsp oi 1
2 1/4 cups mi 1k
1/4 cup honey
2 tbsp minced fresh parsley
2 small leaves fresh sage, minced, or 1/4 tsp dried sage
3/4 tsp hyssop
1/2 tsp savory
1/4 - 1/2 tsp saffron
1/2 tsp salt
1/8 freshly ground pepper
1/4 cup pine nuts
Dredge chicken in flour mixture. Brown the pieces in oil in
a large, heavy saucepan until golden on both sides. Combine
milk, honey, herbs, salt and pepper in a bowl. Pour liquid
over browned fowl in saucepan, stirring to combine drippings
with the sauce. Cover and simmer about 20 minutes or until
fowl is tender. Check seasoning. Stir in pine nuts just
before serving. Serves 4-6.
An African Ethic of Conservation: Traditional tribal and
peasant societies generally managed to live within their
natural environments without destroying them. One of the
ways the environment was maintained was through religious or
ritual prohibitions on destructive behaviors; in other
cases, practical concerns about the group / s welfare served
the purpose of maintaining the natural environment.
As an example, the Boran people of northern Kenya
managed to coexist with the rich and varied wildlife of the
East African savannah without either the wildlife or the
culture suffering. The Boran were cattle pastorallsts,
maintaining large herds of domestic animals in the midst of
the wild herds of antelope, zebras and other grazing
animals.
In the management of their herds, the Boran were
very careful to keep domestic animals away from wild ones.
Bringing meat from wild animals into a village with cows was
thought to be bad luck.
It was believed - probably with
good reason - that the cows would catch strange diseases
from the wild meat and would die, thus impoverishing their
owners. Thus the Boran were reluctant to kil 1 wild animals
for their meat. Similarly, cattle were never kept in an
area where there was a large concentration of antelope
feces; the concern for spreading disease was ~he same. In
this way, the Boran did not disturb areas where the wild
animals were abundant. The Boran also believed that a
village should never be built too close to a source of
water. The Boran were concerned that large, thirsty wild
animals like elephants would trample or scare away their
cattle. Thus, the Boran stayed well away from water.
bringing their cattle to it only under control led
conditions. This allowed wild animals of all sizes to have

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access to water without significant interference from
humans.
The Boran had a great many customs associated with
ritual prohibitions which also protected wildlife.
Warthogs, zebras, antbears, porcupines, elephants, hippos
and all carnivores were classified as unclean and therefore
were not eaten. Eagles, hawks, kestrels and other birds of
prey were similarly protected; it was believed that killing
one of them would cause the killer to go berserk. Trees
where large numbers of birds were nesting were avoided since
it was believed that walking beneath such a tree would cause
ringworm. Kil limg other birds such as crows and woodpeckers
was sure to bring bad luck. The cal ls of these birds
alerted people to the presence of unannounced visitors; to
kil 1 one exposed the killer to harm since it was believed
that the living animals then would not warn the killer about
impending danger.
Trees and other plants were also protected. Large
trees that provided shade were never to be cut down; someone
caught doing so was heavily fined. Medicinal plants were
not to be cut or uprooted unless the person had a disease
that the plant could cure; to cut a plant without reason
exposed the person to the disease the plant was used for.
Snakes, poisonous or not, were never killed. Seeing one on
a journey assured good luck for the wayfarer; killing a
snake brought bad luck. A snake entering a hut was seen as
a sign of good luck for the family who lived there. Also
spiders were not killed because of a belief that killing one
just brought many more to the scene.
Like many pastoralists, the Boran were aggressive
people, often raiding their neighbors for cattle. Stealing
another group/s cattle was a way to gain distinction within
the community and was a favored activity of young men. Such
raids often ended in bloodshed and destruction of corrals
and homes. To avoid this, the various mutually hostile
groups stay 'away from tribal boundaries. Between the
Samburu and the Boran, for instance, a no-man/s land of
about 100 miles was maintained <see Travis/ discussion of
Koob1 Fora above). This area was devoid of human
settlement. and wildlife flourished there.
In fact, in
1974, the area was made into the Shaba-Merti Game Reserve.
In these and in many other ways, the traditional
practices of tribal and peasant peoples allowed them to live
in relative harmony with their environments.
An Archaeological Mystery: Scattered among the rugged
mountains of the Upper Madgalena Basin in southern Columbia
are some of the most enigmatic and inscrutable
archaeological remains foun~ anywhere in the Americas.
Within a 250 mile area surrJunding the city of San Agustin,

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archaeologists, treasure hunters and local farmers have
discovered over 500 imposing stone monuments carved with
images that defy simple description. Contorted human faces
with fanged mouths; jaguars copulating with humans; faces
that emerge from the tails of snakes; bats with monkey and
feline faces: men whose genitals have been clinched by ropes
and who are straddled by jaguar-fanged rodents are among the
motifs preserved in the San Agustin sculptures. These and
other wonders of Columbian prehistory are featured in the
November/December issue of Archaeology magazine.
For decades the San Agustin monuments have fascinated
archaeologists who are no closer to understanding thei r
purpose and meaning than they were when c the monoliths were
first brought to light. So little is known about them that
it is not even possible to assign a date to them. Many
factors conspire to prevent scientific understanding of
these remarkable artifacts. Among these factors is the
remoteness of the Upper Magdalena region. It is one of the
most sparsely settled areas of Columbia, and its tropical
vegetation and mountainous landscape makes it difficult to
reach. As a result, few archaeologists have worked in the
region, and the research they have carried out has been
sporadic and unsystematic.
In addition, many of the
monuments have been moved by the government from their
original location to an archaeological park. One of the
axioms of archaeology is that the true meaning of artifacts
can only be understood in terms of their context and their
association with other artifacts.
If an artifact is moved
and its provenience not noted, it loses much of its value to
archaeologists. Finally this part of Columbia is off limits
to archaeologists today because of the presence of drug
traffickers and anti-government guerillas. Nosey outsiders
are not warmly welcomed in such e nv ironments, even if their
interest lie in past, rather than present, human activity.
In spite of these road blocks, a number of
interpretations of the art have been proposed. One of the
more interesting comes from Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff. the
dean of Columbian archaeology. He believes that the stone
statues were scuplted by craftsmen while in drug-induced
trances. He points out that the scupltures clearly do not
portray beings of the mundane world of normal consciousness.
To him they express the world of supernatural beings that is
visited by shamans or ritual curers, who use hallucinogens
to contact the realm of the supernatural. Reichel-Dolmatoff
has studied shamans, whose traditions have been shown to
date back thousands of years, for much of his professional
career. He notes remarkable parallels between the visions
the shamans see while under the influence o f ~ . a
powerful hallucinogen made from the Banisteriopsis vine, and
the grotesque creatures carved by the ancient San
Agustinlans.
In a kind of experimental anthropology not
recommended for the novice field worker, Reichel-Dolmatoff

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repeatedly has t a k e n ~ under the guidance of shamans.
On
the basis of his experiences, he believes t h a t ~ induced
visions were· the source of the San Agustin creations.
Even if Reichel-Dolmatoff is correct about the
inspiration for the San Agustin designs, the reason they
were created still remains a mystery. Until the security of
researchers working in the Upper Magdalena can be assured,
the meaning of these puzzling works of art wl1 I remain
tantalizingly out of reach.