Elizabethtown College

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Sociology-Anthropology

Spring 2021

That’s News to Me: A Content Analysis of the Portrayal of
Perpetrators of Mass Murder in Mass Media Communications
Meghan Kenney

Follow this and additional works at: https://jayscholar.etown.edu/soc-anthstu
Part of the Communication Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons

That’s News to Me: A Content Analysis of the Portrayal of Perpetrators of Mass Murder in Mass
Media Communications

By

Meghan Kenney

This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in the Discipline in
The Communications and Criminal Justice Departments and the Elizabethtown College Honors
Program
May 2021

Thesis Advisor _______

_____
Michele Lee Kozimor, PhD

Thesis Advisor _______

__________________
Kirsten Johnson, PhD

Third Reader ____Conrad L. Kanagy___________________
Conrad Kanagy, PhD

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ABSTRACT
The United States holds only five percent of the world’s population, but surprisingly 31 percent
of global mass shootings. Previous literature defines a mass shooting as an incident where at
least four individuals are shot and a mass murder as an incident where at least four individuals
are killed. Mass shootings have been found to occur in bunches due to the exposure of mass
shootings inspiring copycat shootings. Such inspiration has been potentially linked to media
coverage of these events thus giving them “accidental advertising”. Limited research has
empirically examined the news coverage of mass shootings through a content analysis. This
exploratory research used quantitative and thematic content analysis to examine two qualitatively
different mass shootings, the Las Vegas Concert shooting and the Dayton Nightclub shooting,
and the news coverage of each event. The data for this research were obtained from a content
analysis of articles from a local Las Vegas news website, The Las Vegas Sun, a local Dayton,
OH news website, The Dayton Daily News, and AP News. Results will be presented and
compared to the proposed guidelines for the coverage of mass shootings by media organizations.
Keywords: mass shooting, mass murder, news coverage, content analysis

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Acknowledgements
I would first like to thank Dr. Kozimor and Dr. Johnson for being my faculty advisors on
this project. Their guidance was important to my completing this research. They both offered
unconditional support as I went through this project and I would not have been able to complete
this research without them.
I would like to thank Dr. Kanagy for his guidance, feedback, and suggestions to ensure
that this be the best research it could be.
I would also like to thank my fellow Teaching Assistants, Jessica Cox and Rachel
Bickelman for their endless support. I will always appreciate the time spent in the lab and the TA
Office talking about our HID projects and helping each other so we could all succeed throughout
this school year.
Lastly, I would like to thank my friends, and family for their support. My friends for
keeping me sane and laughing throughout the process of this project. My parents for their
continued support.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………5
CHAPTER 2 – LITERATURE REVIEW………………………………………………………10
CHAPTER 3 – HYPOTHESES……………………………...………………………………….17
CHAPTER 4 – DATA AND METHODS………………………………………………………18
CHAPTER 5 – QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS……………………………………………….. 22
CHAPTER 6 – QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS…………………………………………………..28
CHAPTER 7 – SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS…………………………………………..32
REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………………..35
APPENDIX A: Summary of Shootings.……………………………………………………….. .39
APPENDIX B: Tables………………………..………………………………………………….40
APPENDIX C: Coding Sheet…………………………………………………………………....48

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CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION
Although the United States holds only five percent of the world’s population, about 31
percent of the world’s mass shootings, an incident where at least four individuals are shot
(excluding the shooter), occur in the country (Meindl and Ivy 2017; Silverstein 2020). As of
2015, a mass shooting occurred roughly every 12.5 days (Meindl and Ivy 2017). Many of these
mass shootings, between 1998-2018 it was about six in 10 mass shootings, were domestic
instances that occurred inside the home (Times Editorial Board 2020). In 2019, there were more
mass shootings in the United States than days in the year, 417 mass shootings (Silverstein 2020).
This was the highest number of mass shootings reported by the Gun Violence Archive and the
Gun Violence Research Group (Silverstein 2020). In addition, 31 of these mass shootings were
mass murders, an incident where at least four people are killed (Silverstein 2020).
2020 was a year plagued by the global COVID-19 pandemic, yet mass shootings were up
even further than 2019 with 610 shootings and 21 mass murders (Gun Violence Archive 2021).
With the increased unemployment, the stress and anxiety that individuals feel about the virus, the
stress of living in areas of high infection rates, and the increase in gun sales, some individuals,
including the director of Guns Down America, are not surprised by the uptick of shootings
(Przybyla 2020). Experts believe that the COVID-19 global pandemic made already existing
social problems that have historically fed violence in certain areas much worse including lack of
opportunities (both employment wise and education wise), reduced access to mental health care,
and the social isolation that has come with the social distancing and stay at home advisories
(Times Editorial Board 2020).
Because of the social isolation that many individuals have experienced throughout the
COVID-19 global pandemic, gun safety advocacy groups are concerned that many mass

6
shootings are domestic related issues, since many of them begin as domestic altercations among
acquaintances (Times Editorial Board 2020). Many of these domestic altercations leading to
mass shootings or murders are not seen in the public eye, as the numbers involved are not as
attention grabbing as shootings in churches, workplaces, or schools (Times Editorial Board
2020). However, neighborhood and domestic crime risk, when referred to in the news, is a factor
that creates fear of becoming victimized in and near the home, not just in public places (Callahan
and Rosenberger 2015). Domestic mass shootings have many similarities, such as the fact that
the shooter tends to be a man, but a different statistic that has been growing worsens the potential
for mass shootings: increased gun sales (Times Editorial Board 2020). The number of individuals
applying for background checks to receive guns increased by 50 percent from the entire two year
period from 2017-2019 and the number of gun sales in April 2020 had a 72 percent increase
from April 2019 (Przybyla 2020; Times Editorial Board 2020).
As of May 6, 2021, there were 181 mass shootings and 12 mass murders, putting 2021 on
track to be another potentially record breaking year for mass shootings (Gun Violence Archive
2021). Throughout the first few months of 2021, there were multiple highly publicized mass
shootings and mass murders such as one where eight individuals were killed at an Indianapolis,
IN FedEx facility, where eight individuals were killed at three Atlanta, GA spas, where a former
NFL player killed six individuals in Rock Hill, SC, and when ten individuals were killed at a
supermarket in Boulder, CO (Holcombe 2021). President Joe Biden ordered the most ambitious
executive actions on gun control of any president in United States history in early April
specifically citing the events in Boulder, CO in his reasoning (Jaffe, Madhani, and Balsamo
2021). These steps would crack down on homemade firearms without serial numbers and tighten

7
regulations on pistol stabilizers, and they would be the first step to Biden’s “common-sense
steps” that he had pledged early in his presidency (Jaffe, Madhani, and Balsamo 2021).
Generally, mass shootings have been found to occur in bunches, meaning that exposure
to mass shootings has been found to inspire more shootings (Towers et al. 2015). The inspired
shooters are often referred to as “copycats” and the bunches of shootings that come out of mass
shootings are often referred to as “contagion”, both terms are defined as ways that some
individuals become more likely to duplicate a behavior after being exposed to this behavior
(Lankford and Madfis 2018). Towers et al. (2015) hypothesized that media, whether television,
radio, news, or other forms of media, might be the vehicle used in inspiring these individuals.
The coverage of these events can be seen as “accidental advertising” and public
glorification, therefore inspiring some mass shooters or murderers (Thompson 2017). Media
coverage of the shooters is a reward for many of them because it makes them famous, therefore
incentivizing future mass shooters (Lankford and Madfis 2018). Many of these individuals have
explicitly stated that they were looking for fame, or as one of the shooters in the 1999 Columbine
High School Shooting wrote in a journal published following the shooting, some look to be seen
as gods since they get to decide who lives or dies in those moments (Lankford and Madfis 2018;
Thompson 2017). Those who admittedly seek fame are those who tend to have the deadliest
mass shootings, on average killing twice as many victims as other shooters (Lankford and
Madfis 2018). These individuals also tend to get the most publicity, due to the media focusing
more on the events with larger victim counts than on mass shooting events that happen
domestically (Lankford and Madfis 2018; Times Editorial Board 2020).
Due to the blame on media for encouraging imitated shooting events, some media critics
have endorsed a campaign called “Don’t Name Them” (Lankford and Madfis 2018; Thompson

8
2017; Advanced Law Enforcement Rapid Response Training n.d.) which allows for coverage of
mass shootings. The Advanced Law Enforcement Rapid Response Training (ALERRT) (n.d.)
Active Shooter Database is an endorser of this campaign saying that reports regarding active
shooter events sensationalize the names of the shooters. Some organizations believe that since
the names of these shooters are public record and it is routine for the media to name them, once
these individuals are captured the media needs to stop using their names as they become a call to
action for potential copycats (Advanced Law Enforcement Rapid Response Training n.d.). Some
studies disagree with naming the shooters in public at all such as Lankford and Madfis (2018)
who proposed guidelines to media organizations that stated not to ever name the shooter, not to
ever use photographs or likenesses of the shooter, stop using the names, photographs, and
likenesses of past shooters, and to report everything else with as much detail as they would like
as long as they are adhering to the aforementioned guidelines.
Additionally, the media spends significant amounts of time and therefore money covering
mass shootings. In a study done by Croitoru et al. (2020), it has been determined that the media
spends upwards of 31 days following a mass shooting showing stories about the aftermath on
television and writing articles. That same study also concluded that the general public only holds
their interest on this topic for an average of 10 days following the incident (Croitoru et al. 2020).
All of the time and money spent on these shootings and shooters is another way of potentially
glorifying the shooter by giving them fame for at least one month following the event, if not
longer (Croitoru et al. 2020; Lankford and Madfis 2018).
This research examines the effects of news media outlet type on the coverage of two
recent mass shootings and the subsequent one-year anniversary of each shooting. This
exploratory research uses both quantitative and thematic content analysis to examine two

9
qualitatively different mass shootings and the news coverage of them to determine if the
coverage changes in focus during the month following the shooting and the month of the oneyear anniversary. The first mass shooting that was analyzed was the Las Vegas Concert shooting.
This mass shooting occurred in 2017 and has been defined as a mass shooting with a large victim
count and national scope. The second mass shooting occurred at a nightclub in Dayton, OH in
2019 and was included due to the low victim count and local nature of the tragedy. This research
examines a combination of a comparable selection of both local and national news coverage as
presented on the websites of media outlets for each shooting to determine whether there are
significant differences in scale and scope of the coverage of each incident. In addition, each news
article during the month immediately following the shooting and during the anniversary was
examined to determine the number of times the shooter name is used and the proportion of the
story that is perpetrator, fact, or victim based. The findings of this study were compared to the
proposed guidelines for the coverage of media organizations by Lankford and Madfis (2018).

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CHAPTER 2 - LITERATURE REVIEW
Literature on Mass Shootings
The general public is drawn to the news of mass shootings because they are violent acts
that target large masses of individuals somewhat randomly (Lankford and Madfis 2018; Silva
2019). The literature defines a mass shooting as an event that used gun violence against others
that was carried out by at least one shooter and must include multiple random or symbolic
victims (Silva 2019). These shooters must use at least one firearm, the shooting must take place
in a public or populated location or locations, and the shooter must have narcissistic, specific to
the victim, or ideological motivations for the event (Silva 2019). Since 1999, when the shooting
at Columbine High School occurred, mass shootings have been on the rise in the United States
(Dahmen 2018; Lankford and Madfis 2018; Silverstein 2020).
Media Coverage of Mass Shootings
The basis of journalistic and news story values is finding and reporting the truth while
minimizing harm through the course of reporting and publishing (Dahmen 2018). Mass murder
media coverage is based in the idea of news values, which is one of the chief decision-makers in
how a news outlet chooses a news story (Harcup and O’Neill 2017). Mass shootings have
become a major point of media coverage as it captures the public’s attention leading to them
becoming a common media topic across all mediums (Croitoru et al. 2020). The reason why one
event may be covered more than another is based in the apparent newsworthiness of the event
but it also is contingent on cultural, organizational, and economic factors of a story that can
influence news story selection (Harcup and O’Neill 2017).
These mass shootings and mass murders have been leading stories for national news
networks for many years (Croitoru et al. 2020). A story is a collection of facts about an event

11
collected into a news segment, whether it be an article or broadcast that has some level of
newsworthiness (Harcup and O’Neill 2017). Although the most common shooter in these events
is a middle aged, nonideological, white male, the media often highlight younger shooters of other
races and religious beliefs, with the exception being location of the shooting and number of
victims to be reported (Croitoru et al. 2020).
Consequences of Media Coverage of Mass Shootings
Media coverage of mass shootings has been proven to have some dangerous
consequences. Due to the nature of reporters wanting to minimize harm throughout the reporting
process, the destruction that can come out of media coverage for mass shootings is not
discounted (Dahmen 2018). Some examples of the dangerous consequences of reporting are
Cultivation Theory, which has proven that the media has the ability to control an individual’s
ideas on heavily covered topics, and the fact that the news is a free advertising platform for
shooters which can encourage imitation shooters (Lankford and Madfis 2018). Levin et al.
(2018) found in their research that those with higher levels of fear and those in their early 40s
with children indicated higher levels of interest in mass murder news stories. They had done a
study based on knowledge that viewer’s morbid curiosity draws them to stories of mass murder,
which is one of the reasons why television reports often tend to focus on details regarding the
perpetrator (Levin et al. 2018). There has been a growing idea that the American news media
needs to change how they report mass murder incidents as to not incite others to want the fame
and celebrity that comes along with these incidents (Levin et al. 2018).
Wright and Washington (2018) offered a new approach to the idea of blame in homicide
cases - shared blame. They did a content analysis of Florida news and police reports and were
able to find apparent differences in the way that content was framed and victims were depicted

12
based on the race of the victims and the race of the perpetrator (Wright and Washington 2018).
Wright and Washington (2018) wanted to show that the reporting can encourage copycat crimes
and therefore can be part of the problem. Copycat crimes can stem from individuals wanting the
fame or glory that they believe comes with committing a mass murder and getting onto the news,
which many articles believe could be a reason for so many imitations, the individuals want to be
glorified (Lankford and Madfis 2018).
Croitoru et al. (2020) found that within the time of a shooting, online search trends often
mirror other shootings with the largest volume of searches being within the first week or two and
then the searches dying out by the end of the month. However, they also found that when the
next mass murder occurs, trends spike again for previous murders, resulting in a conclusion to
the study being that the public’s desire for information does not stay with an event that is
currently occurring but it is with the broad context of mass murder events (Croitoru et al. 2020).
Croitoru et al. (2020) also found in their study that the media coverage of mass murder events
tends to last longer than the public interest in these events, with media coverage typically being
31 days following a shooting and public attention being 10 days after a mass shooting.
Theoretical Framework
Cultivation theory. Potter (2014) defines Cultivation Theory as a theory that describes an
individual who is regularly exposed to media over a long period of time who then perceives the
world through the lens of the media that they have been exposed to. Discovered by George
Gerbner in the 1970s, Cultivation Theory has stimulated many media researchers to consider a
more macro level thinking with more natural approaches as to add to the literature of media
effects (Potter 2014). Cultivation analysis is a method for studying the impacts of messaging via
mass mediums and it focuses on long-term issues that come with long periods of exposure to a

13
medium (Shanahan, Signorielli, and Morgan 2014). Cultivation theory began with a pattern of
practices used by researchers who operate within a general socialization perspective and evolved
into Gerbner’s idea of seeing whether a form of mass media could be directly correlated to an
individual’s responses through their knowledge, attitudes, or behaviors (Potter 2014). Cultivation
patterns vary systematically across different groups of media observers, meaning that some
individuals have been found to get different messages or draw different conclusions based on the
same mediums (Shanahan, Signorielli, and Morgan 2014).
Agenda-Setting Theory. Agenda-Setting theory occurs when the media provides
information that is relevant issues of society that reflects the minds of the consumer of the media
(Carazo-Barrantes 2021). Agenda-Setting theory is associated with the concept of gatekeeping
meaning that the media has control over what events get distributed through their platform and
how they choose to discuss these events (Carazo-Barrantes 2021). Social media has changed the
course of Agenda-Setting, because it has changed how gatekeeping works (Carazo-Barrantes
2021). Individuals can now decide for themselves what information will become public and what
information, so the media has had to evolve to encompass what is posted by individuals as well
as what is reported on through the media (Carazo-Barrantes 2021).
Mean World Syndrome. Mean World Syndrome is defined as the tendency for those who
watch television often to believe that the world is a more crime ridden, scary, and hostile place
than it actually is, to be more afraid than others of becoming a victim of violent crime, and to
have less trust in others (Chandler and Bushman 2007). This tendency was given its name by the
creator of Cultivation Theory, George Gerbner and was partly based on the narcissism that
individuals believed existed in their world due to what they see in the media (Jamieson and
Romer 2014). Mean World Syndrome was widely seen as a consequence of Cultivation Theory,

14
meaning that the issues that individuals were believing due to Cultivation Theory created a deep
fear of violence in the world around them (Jamieson and Romer 2014). Although Mean World
Syndrome is a tendency that typically stems from fictional television, it proves that television
that focuses on violence and that dramatizes violence is what causes the fear of the world around
those affected and it can affect their perceptions of real-world crime (Jamieson and Romer
2014).
Framing Theory. The idea behind framing theory is that any issue can have many
different perspectives that it is viewed through (Chong and Druckman 2007). Each perspective
can be constructed by having multiple implications or considerations and individuals have to
create a certain orientation of their view of a situation based on their prior stereotypes, stories,
and cultural influences (Chong and Druckman 2007). Framing Theory couples well with
Cultivation Theory when considering how media affects individuals because Framing Theory
explains why individuals are so easily influenced by media because of the stories and stereotypes
that are then applied in Cultivation Theory (Chong and Druckman 2007; Silva 2019).
Social Construction of Reality. Berger and Luckmann’s (1966) Social Construction of
reality is based in the idea that the interaction between individuals and groups over time creates
habits based on other’s actions around them. Interactions with the world around each individual
is what builds their reality because an individual cannot exist without interacting with the world
around them and learning from their interactions (Berger and Luckmann 1966). This relates to
mass media through Framing Theory, by explaining why individuals perceptions are based on
stories and stereotypes, it is because humans are learning from the world around them at all times
throughout their existence and applying this knowledge to the world around them (Berger and
Luckmann 1966; Silva 2019).

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Policies for Responsible Media Coverage
As previously stated, there is a journalistic ethical code which states that when reporting
a story, journalists must report in a way that minimizes the potential for harm (Dahmen 2018;
Lankford and Madfis 2018). Some examples of this may include refraining from offensive
language and graphic or explicit content as well as not naming or publishing photographs of
living victims of certain crimes, such as those sexual in nature, without the permission of those
affected (Lankford and Madfis 2018). The Society of Professional Journalists (2014) Code of
Ethics calls for reporters to consider not just the short term effects of an article but also to
consider the long term effects considering the reach and how permanent media publication is
(Dahmen 2018).
Media coverage of sensitive events has been growing and evolving to ensure safety and
privacy for the victims involved, but in some capacities the media has also grown to try to halt
copycat incidences (Lankford and Madfis 2018). The best example of this is the evolution of
media discussion of suicide. The World Health Organization and the U.S. Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention have recommended precautions for reporters to take when reporting on
suicide related events as to discourage imitations and contagion (Lankford and Madfis 2018).
Additions to the Literature
This research uses self-collected data from national and local news sources to add to the
current literature on the portrayal of perpetrators of mass murders in media by exploring and
analyzing the content of articles written about mass murders to determine common words and
themes. Existing literature lacks on actual quantitative data on this topic, and much of the current
literature discusses why this would be an important study without actually performing the study
and getting the data. Other existing literature compares very similar events and how often certain

16
terms or phrases are searched online. There is limited research that analyzes the difference in
themes and verbiage in national and local news sources with two very different mass murder
events. Though it has been shown that the media needs to update the way that shooters are
discussed in articles, this research quantitatively shows the glorification or lack of glorification
of perpetrators of mass shootings.

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CHAPTER 3 - HYPOTHESES
H1: National news coverage of each mass shooting will have a higher proportion of content
focused on the shooter than the local news coverage.
H2: National news coverage will use the perpetrator name and background more frequently than
local news coverage.
H3: Use of the perpetrator name, background, and references will decrease over the month
following the shooting with little to no mention of the perpetrator in media coverage of the
shooting during the one-year anniversary month.
H4: The Las Vegas Concert shooting will contain more references to the shooter due to the high
body count and national significance than the Dayton Nightclub shooting.

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CHAPTER 4 – DATA AND METHODS
Thematic analysis is a method of analyzing qualitative data through a systematic
approach that involves finding themes or patterns as a way to classify data (Lapadat 2010). This
method of qualitative research can be widely used for identifying, analyzing, organizing,
describing, and reporting themes within a set of data (Nowell et al. 2017). The themes are
interpreted by then pursuing commonalities, relationships, patterns, or explanatory principles
(Lapadat 2010). Thematic analysis is an approach and strategy used in case study research to
manage large volumes of data without losing themes and context and to assist with the
interpretation of the data (Lapadat 2010). Thematic analysis uses coding as a basic strategy to
sort data into various thematic categories, therefore making it useful when summarizing data and
it leads to a well-structured approach when working with data (Nowell et al. 2017; Lapadat,
2010).
Studies that research mass shootings typically conduct quantitative content analyses to do
so that show the amount of attention that the media pays to a particular aspect of a shooting
(Silva 2019). These studies typically compare two datasets: information about the perpetrator
and event characteristics and quantifying the news coverage of each event according to the
general articles as well as the verbiage (Silvia 2019). This study uses open source data to conduct
quantitative content analyses.
This research was conducted by performing a content analysis on the Dayton, OH
nightclub shooting and the Las Vegas, NV concert shooting (Appendix A) using three different
news outlets: AP News, The Dayton Daily News, and the Las Vegas Sun. These particular
sources were chosen so that there would be representation of one national news source and one
local news source for each of the two events. The national news source is the same for both

19
events as to compare the way that national news sources cover larger scope mass murder events
and smaller scope mass murder events.
This content analysis consisted of reading through articles written by each source within
a month of the shooting event that they correspond to as well as the month of the one year
anniversary of each shooting. The timeframe of one month comes from the findings of Croitoru
et al. (2020) who determined that the highest spike in searches for a mass murder is the month
following the event. A coding sheet was created (Appendix C) that focuses on certain themes,
such as a focus on the background of the shooter, and certain words or phrases, such as “victim”,
“shooter”, and the name of each shooter.
The coding sheet was devised before any articles are sorted through as to have a uniform
method of pulling out themes and quotes from articles. Relevant words and phrases were added
to this coding sheet that follow the themes of the victims and the perpetrator in an attempt to
discern the proportion of each article that falls under each general theme. Past literature has used
categories for relevant words and phrases such as deceased victim, perpetrator, injured victims,
survivors and heroes on the scene, community shock and grief, and law officials (Dahmen 2018).
The articles were found by going to the websites for each of the sources and searching the
event. Dayton Daily News and The Las Vegas Sun both had paywalls associated with the
website (the author received access to the Dayton Daily News for $0.99 and The Las Vegas Sun
for $9.99) but AP News did not, so all articles were accessible without paying. When searching
the events on each website, the author was able to find articles about the Las Vegas shooting by
typing in “Las Vegas Concert Shooting” to both AP News and The Las Vegas Sun, however for
the Dayton Nightclub shooting, the author had to be more specific by typing in “Ned Peppers
Nightclub Shooting Dayton OH 2019” to AP News and “Ned Peppers Shooting” to Dayton Daily

20
News. All articles about the topic that fit into the timeframe were then organized into folders and
saved as PDF documents labelled APV#, VS#, APD#, and DD#, with the # being a number
associated to each unique article. If the article was an anniversary month article, it was labelled
APVAn#, VSAn#, APDAn#, and DDAn#. Each number continued to correspond to the same
article as the article was coded and added to SPSS.
When coding, every article was read in numerical order by source (for example APV1
was first, followed by APV2) and if the article was not coded, the article and a reason for it not
being coded was written down. Some examples of reasons that an article was not coded are:
article is adjacently related to event but is off topic, article was syndicated and was not written by
this news source, the article was about a person related to this shooting but was not about this
event, and the article was about a different event altogether. The author coded all 88 articles as to
ensure coding would be the same throughout the project. While skimming each article, the
sections that corresponded with a number, such as the number of times that the perpetrator’s
name was mentioned, were counted with tally marks and any interesting comments or notes
would be written down. The rest of the coding sheet would be filled out immediately following
the completion of skimming each article.
For any section corresponding with a number (with the exception of “Law Enforcement
Based?”) each section would be automatically marked with a yes if there were any tally marks.
For the section talking about focus, following the completion of the article, the reader would
decide whether the article was perpetrator or victim based, using the number of times that the
perpetrator or victims were mentioned, the title of the article, and overall impressions of the
article to decide, and if they had a difficult time determining this, it was determined to be even or
unsure and then a note was written as to why. As for whether or not the article was law

21
enforcement based, this was based on the content of the article and whether the article was
written more about law enforcement or from the perspective of law enforcement, not just based
on how many times law enforcement was mentioned in the article. How much of the article was
based on heroic action was determined by the title of the article as well as the general theme of
the article and physically how much of the space was taken talking about heroes of the event.
Community response was another section that had the potential to be filled out during the
skimming of the article as community response was mentioned, the responses were circled. For
both of these events, there was no clear motive so the section about motive for the crime had a
section to describe and the reader would be filled out based on how often a motive or the search
for a motive was mentioned. Finally, the overall feel of the article was circled based on the
reader’s perception of the article following reading the article. Every article’s date was written
on the coding sheet and the length of the article was recorded as either very short, usually just a
paragraph, short, a few paragraphs, medium, around a page to a page and a half, medium long,
about two to two and a half pages, long, around three to three and a half pages, and very long
which was anything more than that. The last step of coding was to write comments about what
the article was about and any interesting themes in the comment section.
Following coding, each coding sheet was inputted into SPSS with each question listed as
a different variable in SPSS. This research included 36 variables and there were 88 articles that
were coded and digitized.

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CHAPTER 5 – QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS
Tables 1.1 and 1.2 illustrate the descriptive statistics for the entire sample. The total
sample size was 88 articles and the articles were split between tables 1.1 and 1.2 by shooting,
with table 1.1 describing statistics about the Las Vegas Concert shooting and table 1.2 describing
statistics about the Dayton Nightclub shooting.
[Insert Table 1.1 here]
Table 1.1 shows the descriptive statistics of respondent characteristics for Las Vegas
Concert shooting from AP News and The Las Vegas Sun. The majority of the sample (64.6
percent) were victim focused articles. Out of the victim focused articles, The Las Vegas Sun had
72 percent of articles that were victim focused while AP News had 56.5 percent of articles that
were victim focused. The perpetrator’s name is mentioned in 45.8 percent of the Las Vegas
related articles. The articles from AP News mentioned the name of the perpetrator in 65.2
percent of articles from the source while The Las Vegas Sun had 72 percent of the articles that
did not mention the perpetrator’s name. This statistic is very interesting because of the stark
contrast, which is consistent with both H1 and H2. Similarly, the victim names were mentioned
exactly half of the time between the two sources, with 60.9 percent of AP News articles not
mentioning the name of the victims and 60.0 percent of The Las Vegas Sun articles mentioning
the victim names.
[Insert Table 1.2 here]
Table 1.2 shows the descriptive statistics of the articles for the Dayton Nightclub
shooting from AP News and Dayton Daily News. The majority of the articles mentioned the
perpetrator’s name (70 percent) and victim names (60 percent). Both sources mentioned the
perpetrator’s name in the majority of the articles, and interestingly, a higher percentage of AP

23
News articles (76.2 percent) mentioned victim names than Dayton Daily News articles (42.1
percent). Also interestingly, the word “killed” or a synonym for it used in reference to the
victims was used 100 percent of the time by both news sources.
[Insert Table 2.1 here]
Table 2.1 shows the bivariate relationship between perpetrator name and the Las Vegas
Concert shooting sources. There was a 37.2 percentage difference between AP News and The
Vegas Sun in regards to the perpetrator name being mentioned which means AP News
mentioned the name of the perpetrator than The Vegas Sun (p=0.010). This finding is
substantively interesting and it has statistical significance (p=0.010) so the hypothesis is
supported.
[Insert Table 2.2 here]
Table 2.2 shows the bivariate relationship between the perpetrator’s background and the
Las Vegas Concert shooting sources. There was a 19.1 percentage difference between the
background being mentioned between each source (p=0.145). Both sources did not mention the
perpetrator’s name often throughout the sample articles. This finding did not have statistical
significance and but it partially supports the hypothesis that the perpetrator’s background will be
mentioned more in national news sources than local news sources.
[Insert Table 3.1 here]
Table 3.1 shows the bivariate relationship between perpetrator name and Dayton
Nightclub shooting source. There was a 13 percentage difference between the name being
mentioned between AP News and the Dayton Daily News. This difference was not statistically
significant (p=0.369). This partially supports the hypothesis that the national news source would
use the perpetrator’s name more frequently than the local news sources.

24
[Insert Table 3.2 here]
Table 3.2 shows the bivariate relationship between whether or not the perpetrator’s
background was mentioned in an article and the Dayton Nightclub shooting sources. There was a
55.6 percentage difference between the articles that mentioned the background of the perpetrator.
This difference was statistically significant (p=0.000). This supports the hypothesis that the
national news sources are more likely to mention the background of the perpetrator when
reporting on mass murder incidents than local news sources.
[Insert Table 4.1 here]
Table 4.1 shows the bivariate relationship between whether the perpetrator’s name was
mentioned and Las Vegas and Dayton news sources. The two groups of Las Vegas related
articles (AP News Las Vegas and The Las Vegas Sun) were combined for the Las Vegas news
variable and two groups of Dayton related articles (AP News Dayton and Dayton Daily News)
were combined to create the Dayton news variable. There was a 24.2 percentage difference
between Las Vegas and Dayton news sources that mentioned the perpetrator’s name when
reporting on the mass murder event. This difference was statistically significant (p=0.023). This
does not support the hypothesis that the news sources about the Las Vegas mass murder would
contain more references to the perpetrator than the news sources about the Dayton mass murder
because of its large scale and national significance.
[Insert Table 4.2 here]
Table 4.2 shows the bivariate relationship between whether the perpetrator’s background
was mentioned in each article and Las Vegas and Dayton news sources. There was a 15.8
percentage difference between Las Vegas and Dayton news sources when considering articles
that did mention the perpetrator’s background. This difference was not statistically significant

25
(p=0.124). This does not support the hypothesis that the news sources about the Las Vegas mass
murder would contain more references to the perpetrator than the news sources about the Dayton
mass murder because of its large scale and national significance.
[Insert Table 5.1 here]
Table 5.1 shows the bivariate relationship between whether the perpetrator’s name was
mentioned and national and local news sources. The two groups of AP News articles were
combined for the national news variable and The Las Vegas Sun and Dayton Daily News were
combined to create the local news sources. There was a 27.3 percentage difference between
national and local news sources that mentioned the perpetrator’s name when reporting on the
mass murder event. This difference was statistically significant (p=0.010). This supports the
hypothesis that national news sources would use the name of the perpetrator more than local
news sources.
[Insert Table 5.2 here]
Table 5.2 shows the bivariate relationship between whether the perpetrator’s background
was mentioned in each article and national and local news sources. There was a 36.3 percentage
difference between national and local news sources when considering articles that did mention
the perpetrator’s background. This difference was statistically significant (p=0.000). This
supports the hypothesis that national news sources would mention the perpetrator’s background
more frequently than local news sources.
[Insert Table 5.3 here]
Table 5.3 shows the bivariate relationship between the focus of each article and national
and local news source. The options for focus of each article included: victim focused, perpetrator
focused, even, and unsure. There was a 34.1 percentage difference between national and local

26
news sources when considering the article as perpetrator focused. This difference was
statistically significant (p=0.001). This supports the hypothesis that national news sources have a
higher proportion of content focused on the perpetrator than local news coverage.
[Insert Table 5.4 here]
Table 5.4 shows the bivariate relationship between the week of the shooting month that
each article was posted in and how frequently the perpetrator’s name was mentioned. The first
three weeks following the shootings was shown to have higher percentages of the perpetrator’s
name being mentioned than the last two weeks of the months and the anniversary month. This
difference was statistically significant (p=0.039). This supports the hypothesis that use of the
perpetrator name will decrease over the month following the shooting and there will be far less
use of the name during the anniversary month of the shootings.
[Insert Table 6.1 here]
Table 6.1 compares the means of the number of times that the perpetrator’s name was
mentioned in national and local news sources as well as the number of times the perpetrator’s
background was mentioned in national and local news sources through a T-Test. The mean
number of times that the perpetrator’s name was mentioned in the national news articles was
6.6136 while the mean for local sources was 2.227 times which means that the mean difference
is 4.386 for the number of times that the perpetrator’s name was mentioned. This number was
statistically significant (t=2.517, p= 0.014) and supports the hypothesis that national news
sources would mention the perpetrator’s name more than local news sources.
The mean number of times that a perpetrator’s background was mentioned in the national
news articles was 3.140 while the mean for local news sources was 0.628, which is a mean
difference of 2.512. This number was statistically significant (t= 3.193, p= .002) and supports the

27
hypothesis that national news sources would mention the perpetrator’s background more than
local news sources.

28
CHAPTER 6 – QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS
While filling out each coding sheet, themes, comments, and general thoughts were
recorded based on the skimming of each article, allowing for the qualitative analysis of each
source. Even though there were only three sources, the qualitative analysis will treat AP News
Las Vegas and AP News Dayton as two separate entities for the sake of comparison. An
important fact to remember throughout the following analyses is that with events like this, victim
names are often released after perpetrator names, since all victim’s next of kin must be notified
before the names can be publically released. This could have a thematic event for these events, as
the articles written very shortly after each event may reference the perpetrator more than the
victims because that is what is known and allowed to be written about.
The first source that was coded for this research was AP News Las Vegas. One of the
first themes that was noticed with this source was that shortly after the event, there were many
articles that were incorrect and required AP News to issue corrections to fix this issue. Many
assumptions were made by this source that were published quickly and later rescinded, with the
number one assumption being the motive behind the attack. At first they were claiming that it
was a group of individuals working for ISIS but this was quickly fixed when the information
about the one perpetrator was revealed by police. The assumptions made about this mass murder
event could be potentially harmful, as it is misleading information. Another theme from this
source was that AP News did not name many of the victims in articles. The focus seemed to be
more on the perpetrator and trying to figure out his reasoning for committing this heinous event.
This had some exceptions, but AP News was largely perpetrator based, especially throughout the
timelines of the mass murder event that they posted. In fact, even in articles about the victims,
the perpetrator’s name was often still mentioned, though sometimes they would replace his name

29
with “a shooter” or “a gunman” and some would mention the name at the beginning and then just
refer to him as “the shooter”. Another theme from AP News articles about the Las Vegas concert
shooting is that many of the articles were about police or were law enforcement based. Many
articles interviewed law enforcement, responding police officers, and responding security guards.
AP News did have many anniversary articles, but something that was still interesting is that most
of these articles still named the shooter, even if they only had his name a few times. This goes
against a hypothesis for this research that the anniversary articles would not mention the
perpetrator’s name often.
The Vegas Sun, a local Las Vegas news source, had more articles that did not mention
the perpetrator’s name and that focused on the victims of this mass murder and the impact that
they had on the world. There were many stories that were more personal than the stories from AP
News, such as a story about a man who lost his wedding ring while helping others get to safety.
Additionally, there were many stories about The articles were generally more action oriented,
especially the anniversary articles, mainly commenting on memorials and what can be done to
remember those who were lost in this event. Another interesting theme of the anniversary articles
in particular is that they mentioned the gunman much less frequently than AP News anniversary
articles did. He was frequently referred to as “a gunman” in these articles, and they would often
name victims instead of the perpetrator. The difference between The Vegas Sun and AP News is
that this mass murder, one of the most heinous mass murders in United States history, happened
right in their backyard to individuals who live in their community, so it definitely makes sense
for The Vegas Sun to include more personal and victim based stories, because the situation is
personal for them.

30
The Dayton Nightclub shooting was very different from the Las Vegas Concert shooting.
Mainly because of the circumstances, a young man from the Dayton area arriving to the bar with
his sister and friend and then running to the car only to return with a gun and the desire to murder
as many individuals as possible. Because of the local and intimate nature of this shooting and the
aggressive nature and past of the perpetrator, AP News referred to the victims much more
frequently than they did for the Las Vegas mass murder, yet there was also a lot more
conversation about the perpetrator’s background. As is shown in table 4.1 and table 4.2, both
Dayton sources mentioned the name and background of the perpetrator more frequently than the
Las Vegas sources. Almost every article for both AP News and the Dayton Daily News
mentioned at least one victim- the perpetrator’s sister. Some articles were wondering if the
perpetrator knew that she was one of the individuals that he shot and some were just remarking
on how terrible that situation is.
AP News had many articles that were about the timeline of this mass murder, but many
of these timelines started with the perpetrator’s time in high school, when he used to have
fantasies of killing individuals. Another interesting theme in the AP News articles about the
Dayton shooting is that many of the articles mentioned the words “thoughts and prayers” or
synonyms, such as “Dayton Strong,” and this was often in reference to the then President’s
remarks about the shooting.
Dayton Daily News was an interesting shift from what was hypothesized in that almost
every single article named the shooter. This could be because, again, of the local and intimate
nature of the mass murder event, since he was a local individual and many other locals had many
stories about him and the warning signs that he had exhibited throughout high school about his
desire to do something like this. But some other themes from Dayton Daily News went more

31
with the earlier thoughts, such as most articles mentioning victims by name and many articles
talking about heroic actions and community response to this mass murder event. The community
response was interesting because many community members were angry, especially at the
systems that allowed this horrific event to take place, such as gun laws in Ohio. Dayton Daily
News also had some interesting insight into the eyes of those who were present that night, such
as talking about some individual’s post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) following the event and
the lasting effect of this mass murder on those who were present, as well as stories into the lives
(and deaths) of some of the victims. For example, one article was written talking to the son of
one of the deceased and how he held his father as he passed away. A final theme from the
Dayton Daily News articles was talking about the heroic actions of the bouncer for Ned Peppers
Bar (the building that the shooting happened in front of), since he was able to take the gun away
from the perpetrator after the perpetrator had been shot by police, and he was willing to risk his
life to ensure that the shooter did not get inside of the bar where over 250 individuals were
cowering for their lives.

32
CHAPTER 7 - SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS
This research examined the effects of news media outlet type on the coverage of two
mass shootings as well as the one-year anniversary of each shooting. This research used both
quantitative and thematic content analysis to examine two mass shootings and their news
coverage to quantify the changes in reporting over time. The mass shootings that were analyzed
were the 2017 Las Vegas Concert Shooting and the 2019 Dayton, OH Nightclub Shooting. This
research examined both local and national news coverage from the websites of three different
media outlets in order to see if there are significant differences in the coverage of each incident.
In addition, each news article from the month following each shooting as well as the month of
the one year anniversary of each shooting was analyzed to determine the number of times the
shooter’s name is used and the proportion of the story that is perpetrator, fact, or victim based.
Three of the hypotheses for this research were supported and one was not supported. The
first hypothesis for this research was that national news coverage of each mass murder event
would have a higher proportion of content that is focused on the perpetrator than the local news
coverage. This hypothesis was supported by this research. The second hypothesis for this
research was that the national news would use the name and background of the perpetrator more
than local news coverage. This was also supported by this research. The third hypothesis for this
research was that the perpetrator’s name and background would decrease throughout the month
following the mass murder event and there would be little to no mention of the perpetrator in the
one year anniversary month. This hypothesis was supported by this research. Finally, the fourth
hypothesis for this research was that the Las Vegas mass murder event would contain more
references to the perpetrator than the Dayton mass murder event due to the high victim count.
This hypothesis was not supported by this research, in fact the opposite of this hypothesis was

33
found to be partially supported. This research found that the Dayton Nightclub shooting had
more references to the perpetrator than the Las Vegas shooting, which is likely due to the local
and more intimate nature of this mass murder event.
When considering how theories are consistent with the findings, Mean World syndrome
is one that connects well, since each of the news sources perpetuated so much perpetrator-based
content. This relates to Mad World syndrome because when articles such as these focus so much
on the perpetrators of mass shootings and mass murders, it can make the readers believe that
there is more anger in the world than there is. Cultivation theory similarly means that the amount
of perpetrator-based content can lead to copycats and more similar mass shootings or mass
murders. Overall the theories support the notion that when the backgrounds, motives, and
methods of mass shootings are shared frequently, it can lead to mass negativity about humanity
and copycat events.
Previous research generally did not utilize both qualitative and quantitative methods
when conducting similar projects. The findings of this research were consistent with findings by
Dahmen (2018) and Lankford and Madfis (2018). Dahmen (2018) found that media coverage of
mass shootings and mass murders can cause more destruction than it is worth. Lankford and
Madfis (2018) found that copycat crimes can come from individuals who want fame or glory,
which is something that news coverage can create. This is consistent with the hypotheses for this
research.
This research includes limitations as well as strengths. A limitation of this research was
that only three different news sources will be analyzed. This limitation means that there are many
news sources that were not be represented in this research. Another limitation of this research
was that it only includes news in the form of articles and not social media posts or video

34
broadcasts, therefore not including other methods of indulging the public interest. The fixes to
these limitations would include more individuals working with data analysis and more time to be
able to dissect multiple different mediums and sources. A strength of this research is that it
utilized a coding sheet that provides quantitative data to the literature of this research, where
many current studies are not based in quantitative as well as qualitative evidence.

35
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39
APPENDIX A
Summary of the Mass Murders Studied in this Research
Event

Date

Killed*

Injured

Description

Las Vegas
Concert Shooting
Las Vegas, NV

October 1, 2017

60 (Including one
who died in 2019 and
one in 2020)

527, 411 by
gunfire

On October 1, 2017, 64 year-old
Steven Paddock was on the 32nd
floor of the Las Vegas Strip
Mandalay Bay Hotel when he
opened fire on the Route 91
Music Festival on the Strip below
(Branson-Potts et al. 2017;
Lacanlale 2020).

Dayton Night
Club Shooting
Dayton, OH

August 4, 2019

9

27, 17 by
gunfire

On August 4, 2019, 24 year-old
Connor Betts approached the Ned
Peppers bar in the Oregon District
in Dayton, Ohio and opened fire
(Williams, Knowles, and
Whoriskey 2019).

*Not including the shooter, both shooters died following their respective shootings, the Las Vegas Shooter by
suicide and the Dayton Night Club shooter was killed by police.

40
APPENDIX B
Table 1.1.
Descriptive Statistics of Articles
Variable
Need for Change or Mention of Past Events
Yes
No

APV (%)

VS (%)

Total N

Total (%)

39.1
60.9

24.0
76.0

15
33

31.3
68.8

Focus of the Article
Victim Focused
Perpetrator Focused
Even
Unsure

56.5
21.7
13.0
8.7

72.0
16.0
0.0
12.0

31
9
3
5

64.6
18.8
6.3
10.4

Was Community Response Mentioned
Yes
No

52.2
47.8

72.0
28.0

30
18

62.5
37.5

Was the Motive for the Shooting Mentioned
A focus of the article
Mentioned
Not Mentioned

4.3
34.8
60.9

8.0
12.0
80.0

3
11
34

6.3
22.9
70.8

Was the Perpetrator’s Name Mentioned
Yes
No

65.2
34.8

28.0
72.0

22
26

45.8
54.2

Was the Perpetrator’s Background
Mentioned
Mentioned
Not Mentioned

39.1
60.9

20.0
80.0

14
34

29.2
70.8

Was the word “killed” or Synonyms Used (P)
Yes
No

43.5
56.5

12.0
88.0

13
35

27.1
72.9

Were any Victim Names Mentioned
Yes
No

39.1
60.9

60.0
40.0

24
24

50.0
50.0

Was the word “killed” or Synonyms Used (V)
Yes
No

100.0
0.0

92.0
8.0

46
2

95.8
4.2

41
Table 1.2.
Descriptive Statistics of Articles
Variable
Need for Change or Mention of Past Events
Yes
No

APD (%)

DD (%)

Total N

Total (%)

52.4
47.6

21.1
78.9

15
25

37.5
62.5

Focus of the Article
Victim Focused
Perpetrator Focused
Even
Unsure

23.8
71.4
4.8
0.0

63.2
5.3
5.3
26.3

17
16
2
5

42.5
40.0
5.0
12.5

Was Community Response Mentioned
Yes
No

71.4
28.6

84.2
15.8

31
9

77.5
22.5

Was the Motive for the Shooting Mentioned
A focus of the article
Mentioned
Not Mentioned

19.0
47.7
33.3

5.3
0.0
94.7

5
10
25

12.5
25.0
62.5

Was the Perpetrator’s Name Mentioned
Yes
No

76.2
23.8

63.2
36.8

28
12

70.0
30.0

Was the Perpetrator’s Background
Mentioned
Mentioned
Not Mentioned

71.4
28.6

15.8
84.2

18
22

45.0
55.0

Was the word “killed” or Synonyms Used (P)
Yes
No

66.7
33.3

57.9
42.1

25
15

62.5
37.5

Were any Victim Names Mentioned
Yes
No

76.2
23.8

42.1
57.8

24
16

60.0
40.0

Was the word “killed” or Synonyms Used (V)
Yes
No

100.0
0.0

100.0
0.0

40
0

100.0
0.0

Table 2.1.
Perpetrator Name by Las Vegas Source
Perpetrator Name
Source (Percent)
APV
Vegas Sun
Total
(n=23)

(n=25)

65.2
34.8

28.0
72.0

Was the Name of the Perpetrator
Mentioned?
Yes
No
Note: χ2= 6.684; p= 0.010

(n=48)

45.8
54.2

Table 2.2.
Perpetrator Background by Las Vegas Source
Source (Percent)
Perpetrator Background

Was the Perpetrator’s
Background Mentioned?
Mentioned
Not Mentioned
Note: χ2= 2.122; p= 0.145

APV
(n=23)

Vegas Sun
(n=25)

Total
(n=48)

39.1
60.9

20.0
80.0

29.2
70.8

43

Table 3.1.
Perpetrator Name by Dayton Source
Perpetrator Name
Source (Percent)
APD
Dayton Daily
Total
(n=21)

Was the Name of the
Perpetrator Mentioned?
Yes
No
Note: χ2= 0.807; p= 0.369

76.2
23.8

(n=19)

63.2
36.8

(n=40)

70.0
30.0

Table 3.2.
Perpetrator Background by Dayton Source
Source (Percent)
Perpetrator Background

Was the Perpetrator’s
Background Mentioned?
Mentioned
Not Mentioned
Note: χ2= 12.477; p= 0.000

APD
(n=21)

Dayton Daily
(n=19)

Total
(n=47)

71.4
28.6

15.8
84.2

45.0
55.0

44

Table 4.1.
Perpetrator Name by Las Vegas and Dayton Source
Perpetrator Name
Source (Percent)
Las Vegas
Dayton
Was the Name of the
Perpetrator Mentioned?
Yes
No
Note: χ2= 5.194; p= 0.023

Total

(n=48)

(n=40)

(n=88)

45.8
54.2

70.0
30.0

56.8
43.2

Table 4.2.
Perpetrator Background by Las Vegas and Dayton Source
Source (Percent)
Perpetrator Background

Was the Perpetrator’s
Background Mentioned?
Mentioned
Not Mentioned
Note: χ2= 2.364; p= 0.124

Las Vegas
(n=48)

Dayton
(n=40)

Total
(n=88)

29.2
70.8

45.0
55.0

36.4
63.6

45

Table 5.1.
Perpetrator Name by National and Local Source
Source (Percent)
Perpetrator Name

Was the Name of the
Perpetrator Mentioned?
Mentioned
Not Mentioned
Note: χ2= 6.669; p= 0.010

National
(n=44)

Local
(n=44)

Total
(n=88)

70.5
29.5

43.2
56.8

56.8
43.2

Table 5.2.
Perpetrator Background by National and Local Source
Source (Percent)
Perpetrator Background

Was the Perpetrator’s
Background Mentioned?
Mentioned
Not Mentioned
Note: χ2= 12.571; p= 0.000

National
(n=44)

Local
(n=44)

Total
(n=88)

54.5
45.5

18.2
81.8

36.4
63.6

Table 5.3.
Focus of Article by National and Local Source
Focus of Article
Source (Percent)
National
Local
Total
What was the focus of the
article?
Victim Focused
Perpetrator Focused
Even
Unsure
Note: χ2= 17.400; p= 0.001

(n=44)

(n=44)

40.9
45.5
9.1
4.5

68.2
11.4
2.3
18.2

(n=88)

54.5
28.4
5.7
11.4

46

Table 5.4.
Perpetrator Name

Perpetrator Name by Shooting Month Date
Shooting Month Date (Percent)
Not in
Week 1 Week 2 Week 3 Week 4 Week 5 Shooting
Month
(n=42) (n=11) (n=5) (n=11) (n=1)
(n=18)

Total
(n=88)

Was the Name of the
Perpetrator Mentioned?
66.7
Yes
33.3
No
2
Note: χ = 11.721; p= 0.039

81.8
18.2

60.0
40.0

36.4
63.6

0.0
100.0

33.3
66.7

56.8
43.2

47

Table 6.1.
T-Test for National and Local Sourcea and Number of Times Perpetrator Name and
Background are Mentioned
National
Local
Mean
T-test
N=44
N=44
Difference
N=43
N=43
Number of times Perpetrator
Name is Mentioned
Number of times Perpetrator
Background is Mentioned

Mean
SD
6.6136 11.014
3.140

4.931

Mean
2.227

SD
3.517

4.386

2.517*

0.628

1.512

2.512

3.193**

Note :*Significant at the .05 level
**Significant at the .01 level
a
National and Local Source is coded 1= National, 2= Local

48

APPENDIX C
Coding Sheet